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ACCF Capital Formation Newsletter

Capital Formation Newsletter
December 1996, Vol. 21, No. 6


ACCF Center for Policy Research: Center Forum Highlights Outlook for Tax

Restructuring and Social Security Reform


Message from the Chairman: Tax Reform in the 20th Century by Charls E. Walker, Chairman, American Council for Capital Formation


ACCF and Center Directors Hold Annual Meeting

Center Forum Highlights Outlook for Tax Restructuring and Social Security Reform

Stronger U.S. economic growth is essential if "baby boomers" and subsequent generations are to have adequate living standards in retirement, according to scholars participating in the ACCF Center for Policy Research's most recent forum, Tax Policy for the 21st Century. This forum, held December 5 at the National Press Club, featured new research on "What Causes Economic Growth?" by Professor J. Bradford De Long of the University of California at Berkeley; "Social Security Privatization, Saving Incentives, and U.S. Economic Growth" by Dr. Sylvester J. Schieber of Watson Wyatt Worldwide; and "The Private Pension System: Is It Ready for the Baby Boomers?" by Professor John B. Shoven of Stanford University.

In addition, a panel of experts from academia and the private sector, including the Center's Chairman, Charls E. Walker, Professor Dale W. Jorgenson of Harvard University, Dr. Rudolph J. Penner of Barents Group, KPMG Peat Marwick, Dr. Joel L. Prakken of Macroeconomic Advisers, LLC, and Dr. Barry K. Rogstad of the American Business Conference, addressed basic issues in fundamental tax reform at the symposium.

Keynote Speakers

The Honorable Charles W. Stenholm (D-TX), a founder of the Conservative Democratic Forum and a senior member of the House Budget Committee, and the Honorable Judd Gregg (R-NH), a prominent GOP advocate of social security and private pension reform, gave the keynote addresses for the Center's forum.

Speaking at the breakfast, Congressman Stenholm stressed the need to focus on the long-term problem of inadequate U.S. saving. "If we are truly interested in raising the saving rate, then we need to look at the total budget," he said. The Texas congressman also noted that, "If tax reform is to be successful, we must examine every aspect of the tax system, including social security, which is the highest tax many people pay." He added that the "Blue Dogs," a coalition of conservative and moderate House Democrats, are likely to continue to press for a change in the consumer price index (CPI) in the 105th Congress. "If the CPI has been overstated, then it should be adjusted," Stenholm said, adding that any legislated change in the CPI would need bipartisan support.

Senator Gregg, addressing the luncheon, called for bipartisan participation in the debate on social security, as well as in any changes to the CPI. "We need leadership from the White House on these issues," he said, adding that the recent recommendations by the commission studying the CPI could promote an informed and productive debate on the issue. "But," Senator Gregg said, "unless the White House is willing to take on the issue, Congress probably won't move." He also outlined the legislation he is cosponsoring with Senator Bob Kerrey (D-NE) to address the problems faced by the social security system. The legislation includes an adjustment in the CPI. "Our legislation should serve as a starting point for the debate in Congress on the social security system," Senator Gregg said.

What Causes Economic Growth?

Dr. J. Bradford De Long, associate professor of economics, University of California at Berkeley, reviewed how different government policies affect economic growth. While his findings indicate that the ability of economic policies to affect growth depends greatly upon which of the various "visions" of economic growth one adopts, three conclusions appear quite strong and robust. First, there is reason to believe that the U.S. economy invests too little, that persistent budget deficits are damaging, and that, especially in times of inflation, the tax system is badly tuned to provide incentives for investment and growth. For example, the existence of the AMT weakens the power of whatever investment incentives have been put into place. The AMT has come close to creating an entire alternative tax system for companies that have highly cyclical businesses and capital-intensive production processes. To the extent that these are the firms whose investment carries external benefits that we seek to boost, creating tax benefits does no good unless accompanied by a parallel change in the AMT. It makes no sense to create tax incentives to boost investment while simultaneously creating an entirely different, higher-rate tax system for high-investment companies.
Second, a good case can be made for turning American economic policy in the direction of budget surplus and low taxation on investment.

Finally, it is possible to shift the growth path of the American economy-it would take a big change in policy to do so, and to boost investment in this country by a few percentage points of GDP. Such a boost requires substantial, not marginal, changes in government fiscal balances and toward the taxation of investment. But an increase in economic growth in the range of 0.3 percent to 0.5 percent of GDP per year does not seem out of reach.

Respondents on the panel were Dr. Joel L. Prakken, chairman, Macroeconomic Advisers, LLC, and Dr. Louise Sheiner, deputy assistant secretary for Economic Policy, Department of the Treasury.

Social Security Privatization, Saving Incentives, and U.S. Economic Growth

Dr. Sylvester J. Schieber, vice president, Watson Wyatt Worldwide, presented his findings on the options to reform social security and their implications for future retirees, federal fiscal operations, and national saving. Dr. Schieber, one of thirteen members of the Social Security Advisory Council, reviewed the three main options developed by members of the Council to address the problem of financing social security. Current estimates indicate that the social security program will have depleted its trust funds by 2029, when benefits will be running 30 percent over revenues. His analysis suggests that one of the options developed by Council members, the Personal Security Account (PSA), would generate the highest benefits on average as well as the highest rates of return. A concern with the PSA option is that it generates considerable transition costs. Proponents have suggested that these costs could be financed with a transition tax and some transition borrowing. Dr. Schieber also noted that the PSA option and a second option, the Individual Account option, would have positive effects on national saving. He concluded that the PSA plan is the superior option because of its higher rates of return, higher benefit levels, and potential for creating significantly greater funding of the basic national security system.

Commenting on Dr. Shieber's study were Dr. Gary Burtless, senior fellow, Brookings Institution; Dr. Robert J. Shapiro, vice president, Progressive Policy Institute; and Mr. William G. Shipman, principal, State Street Global Advisors.

The Aging Baby Boom Generation: The Impact on Private Pensions,
National Saving, and Financial Markets


Dr. John B. Shoven, dean, School of Humanities and Sciences, Stanford University, presented his research on the state of the private pension system and the role of private pensions in U.S. saving. Noting that one of the fundamental problems facing the U.S. economy is its low rate of national saving, Dr. Shoven said that pension funds are now a very important part of national saving. He stressed that the long-run outlook for private pensions and the options we face are very analogous to the outlook faced by social security. That is, economic and demographic trends are such that the saving and surpluses the programs are realizing today cannot be sustained without modifying either benefits or contributions. The sooner these changes are made, the less dramatic they will have to be. By 2024, according to Dr. Shoven's analysis, the pension system is projected to cease being a net source of saving in the economy, which could have major implications for the future course of interest rates, asset prices, and the growth of the economy. He also found that government policies towards pension saving have been very inconsistent. The retirement of the baby boom generation will put both social security and the private pension system under great stress. We have no choice but to change social security and policies toward private pension saving very significantly, Dr. Shoven concluded.

Mr. Ray S. Crabtree, executive vice president, The Principal Financial Group; Dr. Thomas S. Neubig, national director of tax policy economics, Ernst & Young LLP; and the Honorable Earl Pomeroy, U.S. House of Representatives, responded to Dr. Shoven's paper.

The edited papers, comments, and keynote speeches presented at the Center's December 5 forum will be published in book form in mid-1997. To reserve a copy, please contact the ACCF Center for Policy Research, 1750 K Street, NW, Suite 400, Washington, D.C. 20006-2302.


Tax Reform in the 20th Century

By Charls E. Walker, Chairman, American Council for Capital Formation

Conventional wisdom is often wrong but can be instructive. Take for example views about tax legislation in the 105th Congress. Already the "word" is spreading that, beyond a compromise capital gains cut plus reductions for education and children, tax reform for stronger economic growth is not in the cards. Some seers go so far as to strike major tax reform from the agenda for President Clinton's entire second term.

Congress is indeed poised to enact tax cuts for capital gains, education, and children. But an accurate four-year forecast of tax legislation requires the impossible-the ability to "get inside" Bill Clinton's head. After all, the decision whether or not to move for major tax reform in the next four years is largely up to the President. And there are good reasons to believe that Bill Clinton would like to leave the Oval Office in 2001 with legislation in place that would reshape the federal tax system to foster the productive capital formation that is essential for a sustained increase in the pace of economic growth.

The major reasons for expecting Bill Clinton to work for such legislation are basically the same as those that drove him to the center to assure reelection and are now keeping him in the center for his second term. They include the natural desire of a politician-president to restore the strength of his party; to anoint his chosen successor, Vice President Al Gore; and in the process to be the first Democratic president since the revered Franklin Delano Roosevelt to gain for his party three terms in the White House. And there may well be a compelling desire on President Clinton's part to earn a place in history.

Success in achieving all of these goals requires
continued economic prosperity in this country.
Even though the nation's economic growth rate is short of its potential, the prosperity of recent years is impressive. It is no accident. Although the foundation for a healthy growth rate was inherited from the Bush Administration, prosperity could not have been sustained in the past four years if the Clinton Administration had not permitted the Federal Reserve Board to set its own course. In no small part this reflected the ability and dedication of his excellent economic team-a group in the right place, at the right time, with the right advice. Led by then-Treasury Secretary (and now ACCF director) Lloyd Bentsen, that team persuaded Clinton in 1993 to reject the advice of the know-nothing "pols" who wanted to emulate King Canute (who commanded the tide to recede) by challenging the bond market. The advice instead--which Clinton took--was to respect Federal Reserve independence and let Fed authorities do their statutory job. To be sure, Alan Greenspan and his associates deserve credit for mounting the monetary policies which were the main factors producing strong employment and modest growth without significant inflation. But President Clinton deserves immense credit for keeping White House interference with the Fed, if present at all, muted, behind the scenes, and thus not destabilizing to financial markets and the economy.

In addition, the Clinton administration helped sustain prosperity by fighting off core Democratic constituencies to gain Congressional approval of NAFTA and the WTO, thus honoring the crucial and growth-promoting principal of liberal trade. And the Administration worked hard (admittedly with too much partisan politics involved) to promote U.S. investment abroad. This investment is a major factor promoting world economic development, still another important requisite for strong U.S. economic growth.

However, of the major requisites for sustained prosperity, the Clinton Administration falls short in three areas. First, the Administration has failed to push for tax policies which reduce the cost of capital for new investment. For example, in 1993 President Clinton proposed a major reform of the corporate alternative minimum tax but did not continue to urge AMT reform in subsequent years. Second, the increase in marginal income tax rates in 1993 was misguided. And third, the Administration has not pursued much-needed reform of U.S. regulatory and environmental policies to make them more effective and less costly to consumers and businesses.

Capital formation is perhaps in the long run the most important of all requisites for strong and sustained economic growth. But there are now "four more years," which allows time to at least start and, it is to be hoped, make substantial progress in dealing with that tough problem. And, although dealing with it requires approaches from several directions, a massive national savings campaign coupled with significant reduction in the bias of the federal tax system toward consumption and against productive investment would be strongly conducive to progress.

It would therefore be foolhardy to assume now that major tax reform is dead for the rest of the twentieth century. Bill Clinton has fooled the conventional-wisdom crowd before.

Do not be surprised if he does it again.


ACCF and Center Directors Hold Annual Meeting

The American Council for Capital Formation is pleased to announce the election of the following new board members at its December 5, 1996 meeting:

  • James B. Graham, President and Chief Executive Officer, CyberMark; and

  • Carl D. Thoma, Principal, Golder, Thoma, Cressey, Rauner, Inc. and President, National Venture Capital Association.
The ACCF Center for Policy Research welcomes to its board:
  • Thomas D. Campbell, President, Thomas D. Campbell and Associates.

Capital Formation is published by the American Council for Capital Formation, a nonprofit, tax-exempt corporation organized under the laws of the District of Columbia. Editor-in-Chief: Charls E. Walker, Chairman and Founder. Editor: Mark A. Bloomfield, President. Associate Editors: Mari Lee Dunn, Senior Vice President and Chief Administrative Officer; Margo Thorning, Senior Vice President and Chief Economist. Capital Formation is distributed to ACCF supporters, the media, policymakers in the executive branch, and members of Congress and congressional staff. If you would like to subscribe to Capital Formation and obtain information on the activities of the ACCF, please contact Capital Formation, 1750 K Street, N.W., Suite 400, Washington, D.C. 20006-2302. Phone: 202/293-5811; fax: 202/785-8165; e-mail: info@accf.org

ACCF
ACCF, 1750 K Street, NW, Suite 400, Washington, DC 20006 | Tel (202) 293-5811 | Fax (202) 785-8165 | info@ACCF.org