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Questions and Answers on IRAs: September 1995 Update
American Council for Capital Formation
September 1995
Q. Does the United States Need a Capital Gains Tax Cut?
A. Yes. Those who favor stimulating economic growth, creating new and
better jobs, and leveling the playing field for individuals and businesses
to save and invest believe capital gains and other forms of saving should
not be taxed at all. This view was held by top economists in the past
and is held by many mainstream economists today.
Their primary argument is that saving is unfairly taxed more than once,
first by the income tax when income is earned and again when interest
and dividends on the investment financed by saving are received, or when
capital gains from the investment are realized. The playing field is tilted
because the individual or company that saves and invests pays more taxes
over time than if all income is consumed and no saving takes place. Taxes
on income that is saved raise the capital cost of new productive investment
for both individuals and corporations, thus dampening such investment.
As a result, future growth in productivity and living standards is impaired.
Low capital gains taxes not only treat savers more fairly but also help
hold down capital costs. Public finance economists refer to the tax on
capital gains as a tax on retained income, which funds a large part of
business investment. The higher the capital gains tax, the more difficult
it is for management to retain earnings (rather than pay out dividends)
for real investment in productive projects.
Favorable tax treatment of capital gains is especially important in encouraging
the start-up of new but risky enterprises, which provide significant dynamism
and growth to the U.S. economy. Much of that start-up money comes from
friends and relatives of the entrepreneur. Their return will be in appreciated
stock and thus low capital gains taxes make them more willing to risk
their savings.
The unfairness of taxing capital gains is significantly increased in those
cases in which gains are "phantom earnings" brought on by inflation.
Indexation of capital gains taxes would obviate this. Although the economy
is expanding, worries about the future appear to be multiplying. A cut
in the capital gains tax to a top marginal rate of 15 to 20 percent would
by no means act as an economic panacea. However, it would surely give
a strong boost to values of capital assets (e.g. real estate and stocks),
encourage investment by both mature and new businesses, and constitute
fairer taxation of individual savings.
Q. Will Capital Gains Tax Cuts Increase U.S. Job Growth and
Economic Growth?
A. Yes. Dr. Allen Sinai, chief global economist at Lehman Brothers and
a highly respected economic forecaster, stated in testimony before the
House Committee on Ways and Means that when macro­p;economic "feedback"
effects as well as unlocking of unrealized capital gains are estimated,
the capital gains tax reductions in the House
Republican Contract With America would result in stronger economic
growth, increased capital formation, a more buoyant stock market, and
federal tax revenues that are larger than under current law (see Table
1).
In addition, a new study by the prominent economic analysis firm DRI/McGraw-Hill
(DRI) concludes that the capital gains tax reductions in the Contract
With America Tax Relief Act of 1995 (H.R. 1215) would have a beneficial
impact on the U.S. economy because they would reduce the cost of capital
(defined as the pre-tax return required by investors) by almost 12 percent
(Table 2). Lower capital costs induce more investment, faster productivity
growth, higher GDP, and increased employment. Lower capital gains taxes
cause the stock market to rise in value and the price of capital assets
to increase.
A capital gains tax reduction would also shift the financing of business
activity from debt to equity, and induce portfolio allocations by households
toward equity to take account of changes in expected after-tax returns
on stocks and bonds.
Q. How Do Capital Gains Affect Capital Costs?
A. The cost of capital is the pretax return of the new investment needed
to cover the purchase price of an asset, the market rate of interest,
inflation, taxes, and the return required by the investors. Capital costs
are an important factor in determining which investments firms will make
and how much investment occurs. High capital costs mean that only those
projects with the greatest expected return will be undertaken because
only they will yield a return large enough to satisfy investors, resulting
in less overall investment and an aversion toward higher risk projects.
Research by Professor John Shoven, Stanford's Dean of the College of Arts
and Sciences, Professor Patric Hendershott of Ohio State, and Dr. Allen
Sinai of Lehman Brothers indicates that a capital gains tax rate in the
range of 15 to 20 percent would reduce the cost of capital by 4 to 8 percent.
DRI's new study shows that the combined impact of a 50 percent exclusion
(maximum rate 19.8 percent) and indexing for individuals as well as reducing
the corporate capital gains tax rate from 35 to 25 percent reduces the
cost of capital by almost 12 percent.
Q. Aren't Cuts in Capital Gains Tax Rates Simply Another Version of
"Trickle-Down" Economics That Won't Help Working Americans?
A. No. The econometric studies of Dr. Allen Sinai and DRI/McGraw-Hill
demonstrate that a cut in capital gains tax rates will begin quickly to
promote jobs, growth, and investment. This is because the tax cut would
lower business capital costs, increase start-ups of new companies, and
raise the value of equities and real estate. This is precisely the sort
of economic environment in which working Americans prosper.
Perhaps the best anecdotal answer to those who argue that high taxes on
capital gains hurt working Americans comes from a New Jersey painting
contractor who (as quoted in the Washington Post) was "trying to
scare up some work..."
"...you're looking at a poor man who thinks the capital
gains tax [cut] is the best thing that could happen to this country because
that's when the work will come back. People say capital gains is for the
rich, but I've never been hired by a poor man."
Q. Isn't it True that Most of the Direct Benefits of a Capital
Gains Tax Cut Go to the Rich?
A. No. The facts are that many middle-class taxpayers realize a capital
gain every once in a while but are counted as permanently rich under IRS
statistics. When those taxpayer returns are adjusted to exclude their
temporary capital gains and include only their wage and salary income,
it becomes clear that middle-class taxpayers are major beneficiaries of
lower capital gains tax rates.
A special U.S. Treasury study covering 1985 showed that nearly one-half
of all capital gains were realized by taxpayers with wage and salary income
of less than $50,000. In addition, three-fourths of all returns with capital
gains were reported by taxpayers with wage and salary income of less than
$50,000. An update of the Treasury study by the Barents Group, a subsidiary
of the public accounting firm of KPMG Peat Marwick, estimates that for
1995, middle-income wage and salary earners making $50,000 or less in
inflation-adjusted dollars will continue to receive almost half of all
capital gains. As in the earlier Treasury study, three-fourths of all
returns with capital gains in 1995 are estimated to be reported by taxpayers
with wage and salary income of $50,000 or less.
The issue of counting as wealthy the middle-class person who occasionally
realizes a capital gain that artificially inflates his income in a given
year has been studied by the Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT). A panel
analysis for the years 1979-1983 by the JCT found that 44 percent of taxpayers
reporting capital gains realized a gain in only one of every five years.
It is true that many upper-income people realize large capital gains.
They also pay more taxes, making revenue available to finance government
programs which benefit lower-income recipients.
Q. How Do Capital Gains Rates Affect "Start-Up" Companies?
A. Capital gains taxation has a particularly powerful impact on the entrepreneurial
segment of the U.S. economy, which makes possible new technological breakthroughs,
new start-up companies, and new jobs. Starting new businesses involves
entrepreneurs, informal investors, venture capital pools, and a healthy
public market. All are sensitive to after-tax rates of return, which is
why the level of capital gains taxation is important.
Foremost is the entrepreneur. By taxing his potential capital gains at
a higher rate, either the pool of qualified entrepreneurs will decline
or investors will have to accept a lower rate of return. In either case,
the implications for the U.S. economy are clearly negative. To be successful,
the entrepreneur needs capital. Fledgling start-ups depend heavily on
equity finance from family, friends, and other informal sources. Professors
William Wetzel and John Freear of the University of New Hampshire, in
a survey of 284 new companies, found taxable individuals to be the major
source of funds for those raising $500,000 or less at a time. The point
to be stressed is that individuals providing start-up capital for these
new companies pay capital gains taxes and are sensitive to the capital
gains tax rate.
Small businesses and entrepreneurs face higher capital costs than Fortune
500 companies. For them, a significant capital gains tax differential
can make a big difference.
Q. Can We "Afford" a Capital Gains Tax Cut?
A. Yes. Critics of lower capital gains taxes argue that such cuts will
reduce federal revenues and thus add to the budget deficit, absorb national
saving, and raise interest rates and capital costs. Both economic analysis
and experience effectively refute this view.
There is actually little difference between congressional estimates of
capital gains tax cuts and those of the U.S. Treasury. For example, when
President Bush proposed a 30 percent exclusion for capital gains in 1989,
the JCT estimated a "static" loss over 1990-1995 of $100 billion.
However, induced realizations-the "unlocking" effect-and depreciation
recapture would have recouped almost 90 percent of the loss, according
to the JCT, and 110 percent as estimated by the Treasury. (This arithmetic
accounts for only one behavioral response-the "unlocking" effect-and
the Treasury recoups almost all of the revenue loss. There is no revenue
accounting for lower capital costs and increased economic activity. This
impact would be substantial, as indicated by the analyses prepared by
Dr. Allen Sinai and DRI/McGraw Hill.)
Experience indicates that lower capital gains taxes have a positive impact
on federal revenues. The most impressive evidence involves the period
from 1978 to 1985. During those years the top marginal federal tax rate
on capital gains was cut by almost 45 percent from 35 percent to 20 percent-but
total individual capital gains tax receipts nearly tripled from $9.1 billion
to $26.5 billion annually.
Research by experts at the prestigious National Bureau of Economic Research
indicates that the "maximizing" capital gains tax rate-i.e.,
the rate that would bring in the most Treasury revenue-is somewhere between
9 and 21 percent.
Q. How Do Our International Competitors Treat Capital Gains?
A. Our international competitors recognize the contribution a capital
gains tax differential can make to new risk capital, entrepreneurship,
and new job creation.
The United States taxes capital gains more harshly than almost any other
industrial nation. A survey of twelve industrialized countries shows that
the U.S. capital gains tax rate on long-term gains on portfolio securities
exceeds that of all countries except Australia and the United Kingdom,
and these two countries index the cost basis of an asset (see Table 3).
Germany, Japan, and South Korea exempt or tax only lightly capital gains
on portfolio stock.
Not only do virtually all industrialized countries tax individual capital
gains at lower rates than the United States; they also accord more favorable
treatment to corporate capital gains.
Q. What Should a Sensible Capital Gains Tax Cut Look Like?
A. Capital gains tax reform should satisfy three criteria. First, it should
make economic sense by lowering the excessively high cost of U.S. capital,
reducing the bias against high-risk capital, and ameliorating the taxation
of inflationary gains.
Second, it should be fair to all income groups and sectors of the U.S.
economy: Main Street and Wall Street, middle-class investors and farmers,
new entrepreneurs and retiring businessmen, and individual investors and
businesses.
Finally, a capital gains tax reduction should result in stronger economic
growth, increased capital formation, and a more buoyant stock market,
and, when macroeconomic "feedback" effects are considered, raise
the same amount or possibly more tax revenues as current law.
Q. Isn't Indexing the Best Way to Lower the Capital Gains Taxes?
A. Indexing for inflation alone does not unleash the full economic potential
that a broader capital gains reduction triggers because it will only have
a minimal impact on unlocking unrealized capital gains, a voluntary action
on the part of investors.
Indexing for inflation will not offset much of the negative effects on
the cost of capital caused by the very high capital gains taxes resulting
from the Tax Reform Act of 1986.
Q. What Is the House Capital Gains Tax Proposal?
A. The Contract With America Tax Relief Act
of 1995 (H.R. 1215) which was approved by the House of Representatives
on April 5, 1995, includes: (1) a 50 percent exclusion for capital gains
of individuals (a maximum rate of 19.8 percent); (2) a 25 percent capital
gains tax rate for corporations; (3) indexing for inflation for assets
acquired on or after January 1, 1995, by individuals; and (4) capital
loss treatment for personal residences.
Q. What Major Capital Gains Tax Changes are Being Considered
in the Senate?
A. The Hatch-Lieberman Capital Formation Act of
1995 (S. 959) parallels the provisions passed by the House, including
the 50 percent exclusion for individual capital gains resulting in a top
rate of 19.8 percent; a corporate capital gains rate of 25 percent; and
capital loss treatment on the sale of a taxpayer's principal residence.
The bill does not include indexing for inflation. Furthermore, S. 959
provides for a 75 percent exclusion for qualified small business stock
held for five years and 100 percent deferral if the gain is rolled over
into another qualified small business investment within 60 days.
Q. What Is a Capital Gain?
A. A capital gain or loss is the difference between the selling price
of an asset and its basis (cost). The basis is the purchase price of the
asset, including any brokerage fee. For example, if corporate stock is
purchased for $2,000 and later sold for $2,500 (net of broker commissions),
the capital gain is the difference between the $2,000 purchase price and
the $2,500 received from the sale, or $500. If the asset purchased is
a physical asset, such as a building, and the owner had made improvements,
then the tax basis is the purchase price plus the cost of the improvements.
If the asset depreciates over time, the basis is the original sale price
reduced by the decline in value from depreciation.
The distinction between capital assets and other forms of property is
the most important concept in the law relating to the taxation of capital
gain. Under the Code, any property is a "capital asset" unless
it is covered by one of numerous exceptions. The theme running through
the exceptions is that capital gains treatment is appropriate only for
income resulting from the appreciation in value of investment property
or property used in a trade or business. Thus, there are exceptions that
deny capital gain treatment for income from personal efforts, income from
property not attributable to appreciation (such as interest, dividends,
royalties, and rent), and the ordinary profits of business operations.
The primary assets that typically yield capital gains are corporate stock
and business and rental real estate, according to a recent report by the
Senate Budget Committee. Corporate stock accounts for 20 to 50 percent
of total realized gains, depending on the state of the economy and the
stock market. There are also gains from assets such as bonds, partnership
interests, owner-occupied housing, timber, and collectibles, but all of
these are relatively small as a share of total capital gains.
Q. What Is the Current Federal Capital Gains Tax Rate?
A. Gains on the sale of capital assets held for more than a year are limited
to a maximum tax rate of 28 percent under the federal individual income
tax, even though rates on ordinary income go up to 39.6 percent (or even
higher in some cases). Also, gain on the sale of property used in a trade
or business is treated as a long-term capital gain if all gains for the
year on such property exceed all losses for the year. Qualifying property
used in a trade or business generally is depreciable property or real
estate that is held more than a year, but not inventory.
Benefits of the 28 percent maximum tax rate are limited to individuals
with tax rates above 28 percent-that is, those in the 31 percent bracket,
the 36 percent bracket, or the 39.6 percent bracket. For 1994, a taxpayer
filing a joint return would have to have taxable income of $91,850 before
the 31 percent tax rate applied (single taxpayers would have to have $53,500).
Joint taxable income would have to be $140,000 before the 36 percent rate
applied, and $250,000 before the 39.6 percent rate applied.
Under current law, capital gains net of capital losses realized by an
individual are taxed at a top marginal federal tax rate of 28 percent
in taxable income. Net losses are included up to a maximum of $3,000.
Net capital losses in excess of $3,000 are carried over to later taxable
years. This constraint limits the ability of investors to time the realization
of gains and losses so as to minimize taxes.
Corporate capital gains are taxed at a rate of 35 percent, the rate applied
to ordinary corporate income.
Q. What Is the History of Capital Gains Taxes in the United
States?
A. Although the original 1913 Income Tax Act taxed capital gains at ordinary
rates, legislation in 1921 provided for an alternative flat-rate tax for
individuals of 12.5 percent for gain on property acquired for profit or
investment. This treatment was to minimize the influence of the high progressive
rates on market transactions. Over the years, many revisions in this treatment
have been made. In 1934, a sliding-scale treatment was adopted (where
lower rates applied the longer the asset was held). This system was revised
in 1938. In 1942, the sliding-scale approach was replaced by a 50 percent
exclusion for all but short-term gains (held for less than six months),
with an elective alternative tax rate of 25 percent (see Table 4). The
alternative tax affected only individuals in tax brackets above 50 percent.
In 1978, a 60 percent exclusion for individuals was introduced and the
alternative rate for corporations was lowered to 28 percent. In 1981,
the maximum tax rate on capital gains was reduced to 20 percent; the corporate
gains tax remained at 28 percent.
The Tax Reform Act of 1986 (TRA), which lowered overall tax rates and
included only two tax rate brackets (15 percent and 28 percent), provided
that capital gains would be taxed at the same rate as ordinary income.
In 1990, a 31 percent rate was added to the rate structure for ordinary
income. There had been, however, considerable debate over proposals to
reduce capital gains taxes. Since the new rate structure would have increased
capital gains tax rates for many taxpayers from 28 percent to 31 percent,
a separate capital gains rate cap of 28 percent was maintained. The 28
percent cap was continued when the 1993 Omnibus Budget Reconciliation
Act added a top rate of 36 percent and a 10 percent surcharge on very
high incomes, producing a maximum rate of 39.6 percent on ordinary income.
Q. Do States Also Tax Capital Gains?
A. Yes. Of the 42 states which tax capital gains, the majority apply this
tax to the gain reported on the federal tax return. TRA, which eliminated
the 60 percent exclusion for capital gains income, dramatically increased
state capital gains taxes. As noted in a recent op-ed in the Washington
Times:
...State capital gains taxes add another layer of impediment
to investment and entrepreneurship, thereby further hampering economic
growth and job creation...
Even though a state capital gains tax rate of 4.5 percent, for example,
as levied in Connecticut, is less than the national state average of 5.4
percent, it can turn out to be much more daunting after inflation is factored
into the equation. For example, if one considers inflation on a venture
capital investment of $50,000 made in 1987 and sold for $70,000 in 1993,
Connecticut's real capital gains tax rate jumps to 11 percent.
In a state with a much higher capital gains tax rate, such as New York,
where the top rate is 7.875 percent, the real rate on such an investment
jumps to over 19 percent.
The combined burden of federal and state taxes on capital gains makes
it more difficult to raise capital for the start-up and entrepreneurial
companies which are the source of much economic vibrancy, innovation,
and job creation.
Q. Is Capital Gains a Partisan Issue?
A. No. A reduction in capital gains taxation has not been a partisan issue
in the past and should not be a partisan issue now. Capital gains tax
reductions enjoyed bipartisan support from the tax-writing committees
in all the major debates on this issue for nearly two decades. The real
issues are economic: U.S. productivity growth, competitiveness, and job
creation. As to fairness, past capital gains cuts have benefited the public
generally by strengthening the U.S. economy. In fact, capital gains tax
reductions in the Contract With America Tax
Relief Act of 1995 (H.R. 1215) and the Hatch-Lieberman
Capital Formation Act of 1995 (S. 959) are among the most progressive
measures to be considered by Congress in many years.
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