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Overcoming Barriers to U.S. Economic Growth,
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| Figure 1 | Effective Tax Rates on Domestic Corporate Investment |
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| Note: Tax rates include both the corporate and
personal income tax on investment. Source: Enterprise Economics and Tax Reform (Washington, D.C.: Progressive Foundation, Progressive Policy Institute, October 1994). |
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| Figure 2 | Effective Tax Rates on Foreign-Source Investment |
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| Note: Tax rates include both the corporate and
personal income tax on investment. Source: Enterprise Economics and Tax Reform (Washington, D.C.: Progressive Foundation, Progressive Policy Institute, October 1994). |
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Prior to the 1986 Tax Reform Act (TRA), the United States had one of
the best capital cost recovery systems in the world. For example, the
present value of the deductions for investing in machinery to produce
computer chips and in modern and competitive continuous casting equipment
for steel production were close to 100 percent under the strongly pro-investment
tax regime in effect from 1981 to 1985, according to a study by Arthur
Andersen LLP (see Table 1). In contrast, under current law the present
value of the capital cost recovery allowance for that same investment
today for computer chips is only 85 percent and for continuous casting
equipment is only 81 percent.
| Table 1 | International Comparison of the Present Value of Equipment Used to Make Selected Manufacturing Products and Pollution Control Equipment As a percent of cost | ||||||||
| Computer Chips | Telephone Switching Equipment | Factory Robots | Crank- shafts | Continuous Casting for Steel Production | Engine Blocks | Wastewater Treatment for Chemical Production | Wastewater Treatment for Pulp and Paper Equipment | Scrubbers Used in Electricity Plants | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| United States | |||||||||
| 1985 Law | 100.1 | 100.1 | 100.1 | 100.1 | 100.1 | 100.1 | 100.1 | 100.1 | 89.7 |
| MACRS1 | 85.2 | 85.2 | 80.8 | 80.8 | 80.8 | 80.8 | 85.2 | 80.8 | 54.5 |
| AMT2 | 83.0 | 83.0 | 77.9 | 77.9 | 77.9 | 77.9 | 83.0 | 78.0 | 54.5 |
| Brazil | 75.7 | 74.8 | 74.7 | 74.7 | 88.3 | 74.7 | 74.7 | 74.7 | 79.4 |
| Canada | 76.9 | 75.9 | 74.0 | 73.8 | 74.2 | 73.6 | 85.3 | 85.3 | 85.3 |
| Germany | 83.6 | 83.0 | 82.7 | 83.9 | 82.2 | 83.9 | 71.8 | 69.7 | 68.9 |
| Japan | 87.1 | 86.2 | 83.4 | 83.9 | 81.4 | 83.7 | 84.6 | 83.7 | 82.4 |
| Korea (w/3% ITC) | 88.7 | 84.3 | 82.6 | 80.1 | 77.7 | 79.6 | 95.2 | 93.9 | 92.2 |
| Singapore | 91.7 | 91.7 | 91.7 | 91.7 | 91.7 | 91.7 | 91.7 | 91.7 | 91.7 |
| Taiwan | 83.9 | 78.0 | 79.0 | 64.3 | 63.5 | 63.7 | 147.0 | 147.0 | 147.0 |
| Notes:
1. MACRS = Modified Accelerated Cost Recovery System (current law)
for regular taxpayers. 2. AMT = Alternative minimum tax (current law, Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997). Source: Stephen R. Corrick and Gerald M. Godshaw, "AMT Depreciation: How Bad Is Bad?" in Economic Effects of the Corporate Alternative Minimum Tax (Washington, D.C.: American Council for Capital Formation Center for Policy Research, September 1991). Updated by Arthur Andersen LLP, Office of Federal Tax Services, Washington, D.C., January 1998. |
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The Arthur Andersen study also shows that the United States lags behind
many of our major competitors in capital cost recovery for equipment that
is technologically innovative, is crucial to U.S. economic strength, or
helps prevent pollution. Capital cost recovery provisions for pollution-control
equipment are much less favorable now than prior to TRA's passage. For
example, the present value of cost recovery allowances for wastewater
treatment facilities used in pulp and paper production was approximately
100 percent prior to TRA '86. Under TRA '86, the present value for wastewater
treatment facilities dropped to 81 percent. Allowances for scrubbers used
in the production of electricity were 90 percent prior to TRA '86; the
present value fell to 55 percent after TRA '86. As is true in the case
of productive equipment, both the loss of the investment tax credit and
lengthening of depreciable lives in TRA raised effective tax rates.
While the Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997 substantially improved cost recovery
allowances for corporate alternative minimum tax payers (AMT), those firms
are still disadvantaged relative to firms paying the regular corporate
income tax (see Table 1). The AMT limits or delays the benefit of tax
code provisions that are based on investment in plant, equipment, research
and development, mining, energy exploration and production, pollution
abatement, and many others. Companies that have been subject to the AMT
since its enactment have accumulated numerous AMT credits. These credits
reflect cash that is not available for new productivity-improving investment.
Taxation of U.S. Multinational Firms
A tax reduction plan should also focus on the need of U.S. multinational
companies (especially in the industrial and financial sectors) to be competitive
and gain market share, both at home and abroad. Such a tax cut could enhance
the ability of U.S. firms to compete in global markets by reducing the
competitive disadvantages that they face. For example, as a 1997 study
sponsored by the ACCF Center for Policy Research showed, U.S. financial
service firms face much higher tax rates on foreign-source income than
do their international competitors when operating in a third country such
as Taiwan (see Figure 3). A 12-country analysis shows that U.S. insurance
firms are taxed at a rate of 35 percent on income earned abroad compared
to 14.3 percent for French-, Swiss-, or Belgian-owned firms. As a consequence
of their more favorable tax codes, foreign financial service firms can
offer products at lower prices than can U.S. firms, thereby giving them
a competitive advantage in world markets.
| Figure 3 | International Comparison of Tax Rates on Foreign Income
Earned by Insurance Companies Operating in a Third Country Such as
Taiwan By country of residence of parent company |
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| 1. "Parent" means residence country income
tax on parent company. 2. "Subsidiary" means local income tax on foreign subsidiary. Source: Thomas Horst, "The Impact of the U.S. Tax Code on the Competitiveness of Financial Service Firms" (Washington, D.C.: American Council for Capital Formation Center for Policy Research, July 1997). |
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Capital Gains Taxation
The ACCF's first new 1999 study, which is on capital gains taxation, was
prepared by Dr. David Wyss, chief economist of Standard & Poor's DRI
and a top public finance expert, finds that the Taxpayer Relief Act of
1997, which reduced the long-term individual capital gains tax rate from
a top rate of 28.0 percent to 20.0 percent has had several favorable impacts
on the U.S. economy in the intervening two years. First, the net cost
of capital for new investment fell by about 3 percent; other things being
equal, this will raise business investment by 1.5 percent per year. Over
a 10-year period, the capital stock will rise by 1.2 percent and productivity
will increase by 0.4 percent relative to the baseline forecast. Second,
a significant share of the increase in stock prices since 1997 (about
25 percent) is due to lower taxes on individual capital gains realizations.
Third, Dr. Wyss's analysis shows that when a dynamic rather than a static
analysis is used, the stronger growth of the economy adds to total federal
tax revenues in the long run. Finally, Dr. Wyss rebuts several new studies
which attempt to debunk the importance of lower capital gains tax rates
in encouraging start-ups and venture capital.
In spite of the 1997 tax reductions whose favorable economic impacts are
documented by Dr. Wyss's new analysis, U.S. capital gains tax rates, which
affect the cost of capital and therefore investment and economic growth,
are still high compared to those of other countries. In fact, most industrial
and developing countries tax individual and corporate capital gains more
lightly than does the United States, according to a 1998 survey of 24
industrialized and developing countries that the ACCF commissioned from
Arthur Andersen LLP.
Both short- and long-term capital gains on equities are taxed at higher
rates in the United States than in most of the other 23 countries surveyed.
Short-term gains are taxed at 39.6 percent in the United States compared
to an average of 19.4 percent for the sample as a whole. Long-term gains
face a tax rate of 20 percent in the United States versus an average of
15.9 percent for all the countries in the survey. Thus, U.S. individual
taxpayers face tax rates on long-term gains that are 26 percent higher
than those paid by the average investor in other countries. In addition,
the United States is one of only five countries surveyed with a holding
period requirement in order for the investment to qualify as a capital
asset.
Similarly, short- and long-term corporate capital gains tax rates are
higher in the United States than in most other industrial and developing
countries surveyed. Both short- and long-term gains are taxed at a maximum
rate of 35 percent in the United States, compared to an average of 22.8
percent for short-term gains and 19.6 percent for long-term gains in the
sample as a whole. In other words, U.S. corporations face long-term capital
gains tax rates almost 80 percent higher than those of all but two of
the other countries surveyed (Germany [45 percent] and Australia [36 percent],
and only four of the 24 countries surveyed impose a holding period in
order to be eligible for preferential corporate capital gains tax rates.
Taxation of Interest and Dividends
Interest and dividends received by individuals also are taxed more heavily
in the United States than in many other countries, according to the 1998
Arthur Andersen survey of 24 countries. High tax rates on dividends and
interest received raise the cost of capital for new investment and slow
U.S. economic growth. The top marginal income tax rate is 39.6 percent
in the United States compared to an average of 32.4 percent in the countries
surveyed as a whole. Nearly 40 percent of the countries surveyed tax interest
income at a lower rate than ordinary income; for example, Italy taxes
ordinary income at a top rate of 46 percent while its top tax rate on
interest income is only 27 percent.
In several countries surveyed, small savers receive special encouragement
in the form of lower taxes or exemptions on a portion of the interest
they receive. For example, in Germany, the first $6,786 of interest income
for married couples filing a joint return ($3,393 for singles) is exempt
from tax; in Japan, interest on saving up to $26,805 is exempt from tax
for individuals older than 65; in the Netherlands, the first $987 of interest
income for married couples ($494 for singles) is exempt from tax; and
in Taiwan, the first $8,273 of interest received from local financial
institutions is exempt from tax.
Similarly, dividend income is also taxed more heavily in the United States
than in the other countries surveyed; the U.S. tax rate is 60.4 percent
(combined corporate and individual tax on dividend income) compared to
an average of 51.1 percent in the surveyed countries as a whole. Of the
countries surveyed, 62.5 percent offset the double taxation of corporate
income (the income is taxed at the corporate level and again when distributed
in the form of dividends) by providing either a lower tax rate on dividend
income received by a shareholder or by providing a corporation with a
credit for taxes paid on dividends distributed to their shareholders.
In the case of dividends received, small savers receive preferential treatment
in about one-fourth of the countries surveyed. In France, for example,
the first $2,661 of dividends on French shares received by a married couple
is exempt from tax ($1,330 for singles); in the Netherlands, the first
$987 of dividend income for married couples ($494 for singles) is exempt
from tax; and in Taiwan, the first $8,273 of dividends from local companies
is exempt from tax.
Death and the U.S. Tax Code
Many top academic scholars and policy experts conclude that the estate
tax should be repealed or reduced because it adds to the already heavy
U.S. tax burden on saving and investment. For example, analysis by MIT's
Professor James Poterba shows that the U.S. estate tax can raise the cost
of capital by as much as 3 percent. The estate tax also makes it harder
for family businesses, including farms, to survive the deaths of their
founders. The ACCF's second new study, which was compiled by Arthur Andersen
LLP, surveys 24 industrialized and developing countries and shows that
the top U.S. federal marginal death tax rate is higher than that of all
other countries surveyed except for Japan (see Figure 4). Death tax rates
imposed on estates inherited by spouses and children average only 21.6
percent for the 24 countries in the study, compared to 55 percent in the
United States. (Tax rates are often higher on assets inherited by more
distant relatives or by non-relatives). Seven countries*Argentina, Australia,
Canada, China, India, Indonesia, and Mexico*have no death or inheritance
taxes. The average marginal top tax rate in the 17 countries with a death
tax is only 30.5 percent, which is slightly more than one-half of the
U.S. top federal estate tax rate. Not only are U.S. death tax rates higher
than those in most of the industrialized and developing world, but the
value of the estate where the top tax rate applies is lower. The average
value of the estate where the top tax rate applies is over $4 million
compared to only $3 million in the United States.
| Figure 4 | International Comparison of Top Marginal Death Tax Rates |
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| Source: "An International Comparison of Death Tax Rates" (Washington, D.C.: American Council for Capital Formation Center for Policy Research, June 1999). | |
The third new ACCF-sponsored study, prepared by Professor Douglas Holtz-Eakin,
chairman of the Department of Economics at Syracuse University, analyzes
the impact of the current death tax on capital accumulation, saving, capital
costs, investment, and employment.
First, using a sample of data collected by the Public Policy Institute
of New York State in May, 1999, Professor Holtz-Eakin notes that there
is a negative relationship between anticipated death tax liability and
growth in employment, particularly for growing firms. His analysis suggests
that at least 15,000 jobs will be lost in New York State over the next
five years due to the effect of the estate tax on small firms. Second,
the death tax reduces U.S. annual investment by sole proprietors in the
range of 2 to 10 percent or almost $45 billion in 1996. Third, the death
tax hits hard at entrepreneurs; of the total number of people liable for
the estate tax, 48 percent are entrepreneurs. Professor Holtz-Eakin states
that the death tax should not be viewed as hitting all savers equally.
Instead, the tax hits especially hard at entrepreneurs who are trying
to put money into their business. For these individuals, their saving
is their investment.
Professor Holtz-Eakin concludes that his study suggests that the estate
tax is shifted-forward in time to the business operation and onto factors
of production (capital and labor). Since most incidence studies suggest
that labor supply bears the incidence of labor taxes and that slower capital
accumulation hurts productivity and real wages, this suggests that the
estate tax on the "rich and dead" small business owners and
entrepreneurs may be in part paid by their far-from-rich and very alive
employees.
The U.S. Tax Code and Retirement Security
Experts predict that today's federal budget surpluses may be relatively
short-lived phenomena. The long-term prosperity of the United States remains
threatened by the prospect of looming budget deficits arising from the
need to fund the retirement of the baby boom generation in the next century.
In addition, the U.S. saving rate continues to compare unfavorably with
that of other nations, as well as with our own past experience; U.S. net
domestic saving has averaged only 4.8 percent of GDP since 1991 compared
to 9.3 percent over the 1960-1980 period (see Table 2). Though the U.S.
economy is currently performing better than the economies of most other
developed nations, in the long run low U.S. saving and investment rates
will inevitably result in a growth rate short of this country's true potential.
| Table 2 | Flow of U.S. Net Saving and Investment Percent of GDP in current dollars; national income accounts basis |
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| Average 1960-1980 | Average 1981-1985 | Average 1991-1998*** | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Net private domestic saving | 8.1% | 8.0% | 5.4% |
| State and local government surpluses | 2.1% | 1.9% | 1.5% |
| Subtotal of private and state saving | 10.2% | 9.9% | 6.9% |
| Less: Federal budget deficit | -0.8% | -3.8% | -2.1% |
| Net domestic saving available for private investment | 9.3% | 6.1% | 4.8% |
| Net inflow of foreign saving* | -0.4% | 1.2% | 1.4% |
| Net private domestic investment | 8.9% | 7.4% | 6.2% |
| Gross private domestic investment | 16.0% | 16.9% | 14.3% |
| Nonresidential fixed investment | 10.4% | 12.2% | 9.9% |
| Producers' durable equipment | 6.6% | 7.4% | 7.1% |
| Information processing, related equipment, computers, and peripheral equipment | 1.6% | 3.1% | 3.2% |
| Industrial equipment | 1.9% | 1.8% | 1.6% |
| Producers' durable equipment less info processing and related equipment | 5.2% | 5.0% | 4.7% |
| Personal saving | 5.4% | 5.8% | 2.5% |
| Net business saving** | 2.7% | 2.2% | 2.9% |
| *In the 1960-1980 period, the United States sent more
capital abroad than it received; thus net inflow was negative during
this period. **Net business saving = gross private saving - personal saving - corporate and noncorporate capital consumption allowance. ***Preliminary estimate for first quarter of 1999. Source: Department of Commerce Bureau of Economic Analysis, National Income Accounts. Update prepared by American Council for Capital Formation Center for Policy Research, June 1999. |
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The ACCF's fourth new study is a survey of the tax treatment of retirement savings, insurance products, social security, and mutual funds in 24 major industrial and developing countries, including most of the United States' major trading partners. The survey (also compiled for the ACCF by Arthur Andersen LLP) shows that the United States lags behind its competitors in that it offers fewer and less generous tax-favored saving and insurance products than many other countries. For example:
The ACCF's study demonstrates that many countries have gone further than
the United States to encourage their citizens to save and provide for
their own retirement and insurance needs.
Reform of the Private Pension System
The ACCF's fifth new study, "Improving the Retirement Security System
in the United States Through Mechanisms for Added Savings," by Dr.
Sylvester Schieber and his colleagues, Richard Joss and Marjorie M. Kulah
of Watson Wyatt Worldwide, a prominent pension consulting firm, contends
that the U.S. private pension system should be expanded and reformed,
particularly for small employers who are responsible for much of the growth
in employment in recent years. Pension policy experts contend that long-service,
high-income employees of large firms benefit most from the current system.
The public interest would be better served, they argue, if pension rules
were simpler and easier to administer. For example, complicated and costly
rules to prevent "discrimination" discourage employers, especially
small ones, from offering pension plans.
Dr. Schieber concludes that all of the elements of the retirement system
need to be shored up in order to anticipate the claims the baby boomers
will make beginning next decade. In the case of employer sponsored pension
plans, most of the policy initiatives undertaken during the last two decades
have led to restricted saving through these plans. The long-term implication
of this result is that plan sponsors are either going to face higher contribution
costs in the future than if they had been allowed to contribute to their
plans at historical rates, or they will curtail benefits.
The potential curtailing of benefits from employer-sponsored plans is
a direct threat to the retirement security of today's workers. First,
Dr. Schieber states it is imperative that employers begin to more effectively
communicate to workers the importance and necessity of saving for retirement.
Employers should be encouraged to expand existing communications efforts.
Second, in the case of employer-sponsored plans, Dr. Schieber advocates
further simplification of the multiple funding and contribution limits
to which these plans are subject. The funding biases that have skewed
plan sponsors toward defined contribution plans should be eliminated.
The inconsistencies in public policy that result from a given level of
funding resulting in tax penalties for overfunding, on the one hand, and
government penalties for underfunding, on the other, should be resolved.
Although Dr. Schieber is a strong advocate of employer-sponsored plans
and their expanded availability, he recognizes that not everyone has an
opportunity to participate in such a plan. For such workers, the playing
field should be leveled so they can effectively save on their own through
tax-preferred retirement plans.
A TAX MENU FOR COMPETITIVENESS, GROWTH, AND RETIREMENT SECURITY
Those who favor a truly level playing field to encourage saving
and investment by individuals and businesses, stimulate economic growth,
and create new and better jobs, believe savings (including capital gains)
should not be taxed at all. This view was held by top economists in the
past and is held by many mainstream economists today. The fact is however
that an income tax hits saving more than once-first when income is earned,
and again when interest and dividends on the investment financed by saving
are received, or when capital gains from the investment are realized.
The playing field is tilted away from saving and investment because the
individual or company that saves and invests pays more taxes over time
than if all income were consumed and no saving took place. Taxes on income
that is saved raise the capital cost of new productive investment for
both individuals and corporations, thus dampening such investment. As
a result, future growth in output and living standards is impaired.
While fundamental reform of the U.S. federal tax code continues to interest
policymakers, the public, and the business community, the key question
is whether a totally new system would be worth the inevitable disruption,
cost, and confusion the switch would create. Several recent analyses by
academic scholars and government policy experts including University of
California Professor Alan Auerbach, Boston University Professor Laurence
Kotlikoff, the Joint Committee on Taxation, and the Congressional Budget
Office conclude that substituting a broad-based consumption tax for the
current federal income tax would have a positive impact on economic growth
and living standards. A consumption tax exempts all saving and investment
from tax; all income saved is tax-free and all investment is written off,
or "expensed," in the first year. As a result, the cost of capital
for new investment would fall by about 30 percent.
If, instead of fundamental tax reform, political reality requires an incremental
approach to tax reform, the ACCF recommends a menu cut of tax options
that, taken either together or singly, could enhance competitiveness,
increase economic growth, and promote retirement security. We have organized
the menu into tax cuts for individuals and tax cuts for business.
Tax Cuts for Individuals
Tax Cuts for Business
Comprehensive tax reform, to shift the federal tax base from income to
consumption and thus permit the expensing of all investment, would have
the strongest impact on capital costs and economic growth. However, more
modest tax cuts on investment would also stimulate capital formation and
growth.
CONCLUSION
Persistently low U.S. saving rates, and investment that in recent decades
has lagged behind our industrial competitors despite continued economic
growth and low unemployment, underline the need for pro-growth tax policies
as a substantial part of any tax bill approved by this Committee. Given
the projected budget surplus and the desire of many in Congress to enact
a major tax cut for Americans, there is clearly an opportunity to move
the U.S. tax system in a pro-growth direction.
We therefore urge Congress to give the most careful consideration to the
pro-growth tax provisions discussed here.
| ACCF, 1750 K Street, NW, Suite 400, Washington,
DC 20006 | Tel (202) 293-5811 | Fax (202) 785-8165 | info@ACCF.org
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